Estonia, a small country bordering Russia with 1.3 million people, spends 2.28 percent of GDP on defense and has continuously exceeded the two percent objective since 2014.
“I appreciate that there may be political disagreements about defense spending. I mean, I’d prefer to see more money spent on education and research and development than on defense, but that’s the reality “Kallas stated.
While the Trudeau government has not committed to fulfilling NATO’s aim, Defence Minister Anita Anand has stated that Canada will increase its defense spending.
What percentage of Canada’s GDP is spent on defence?
Jagmeet Singh, the leader of the New Democratic Party, says his caucus would oppose the federal government’s move to increase defense expenditure to meet NATO’s 2% GDP benchmark, calling the proposal “arbitrary.”
“Right now, the pressure is being exerted to go to two percent.” “We believe that figure is arbitrary, and we do not support it,” Singh said in an interview with CTV’s Question Period.
At the moment, Canada spends about 1.39 percent of its GDP on defense. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) pledged to increase military spending to at least 2% of national gross domestic product during the following decade, which all countries agreed to in 2014.
“We don’t have to hit that arbitrary number, and we don’t believe that’s the best strategy,” Singh explained.
Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and discussions of more permanent deployments in Eastern Europe, pressure has increased on the Canadian government to increase its share. Anita Anand, the Minister of Defence, and Melanie Joly, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, have both stated that Canada plans to bring more to the table, but how much more remains to be seen.
Parliamentary Budget Officer Yves Giroux projected earlier this week that Canada would need to set aside $20 to $25 billion each year to meet the goal.
While the NDP leader believes that a larger rise in defense spending is not necessary, his party supports an increase in the military’s budget.
“We are aware that the Canadian Armed Forces are being asked or told to perform specific tasks for which they lack the necessary equipment. So, they should have the equipment, and that will need filling up a funding gap so that they can have the tools to execute the work that we asked them to undertake,” Singh said. “We support it, and I’ve always supported it.” We also recognize that we live in a more frightening environment, in which people are obviously feeling less secure, and that we must invest to ensure that people feel more secure. As a result, there will be an increase.”
The Liberals and NDP have signed a confidence-and-supply agreement that includes a pledge to support the government in all confidence votes and on annual budgets.
When it comes to what the Liberals want to spend in the federal budget, which is anticipated to be released next month, Singh said he’s open to have “tight conversations and discussions about what’s going to happen next.”
“We’ll have to look closely and determine exactly what the needs are, as well as what we can accomplish in a single budget… We need to take a close look at what the needs are and what the holes are that need to be filled right now.”
The NDP leader also stated that he believes the agreement gives him “input authority” rather than “veto power.”
On issues that Singh’s caucus cannot support, the government has already stated that it will seek to collaborate with other parties. In this situation, the Conservatives have asked Trudeau to increase Canada’s defense expenditure in order to meet the NATO target, so the minority Liberals might pursue that option if the budget does include a large new military financial commitment.
“The administration still has time to achieve that, to include that crucial two percent.” As the Putin dictatorship begins its march across Europe, we recognize the necessity to honor our commitments to both the global security picture and to ensuring that we are prepared to defend ourselves domestically. In a separate part on Sunday’s show, Conservative MP Michael Barrett remarked, “It’s past time to fulfill the 2% defense budget.”
“One of the issues we’ve seen with some of the procurement agreements over the previous few years, and we’ve heard from the PBO, is that those are back loaded… However, we urgently want planes, ships, trucks, and weaponry. And that is precisely what we must do to help not only our NATO members, but also our allies in Ukraine,” Barrett added.
Rob Oliphant, parliamentary secretary to the foreign affairs minister, avoided making any direct comments on what the budget might or might not include when it comes to defence, but said he thinks the conversation Canadians are having right now about what role the country should play, how much money should be put into the military, and how it will be paid for, is important.
“They’re looking at domestic support, foreign participation, humanitarian, diplomatic, and defense, and that’s a conversation that Canadians should be having.” “And I’m delighted we’re having it,” remarked Oliphant. “I believe Canadians believe we should do more, and the Liberal government is paying attention.” “Be on the lookout.”
In 2020, how much did Canada spend on its military?
From 1950 to 2020, Military Expenditure in Canada averaged 14157.51 USD Million, with a top of 22854 USD Million in 2020 and a low of 3809 USD Million in 1950. The statistics, historical data, and charts for Canada Military Expenditure were last updated in March of 2022.
Is Canada’s military strong?
- The National Defence Act creates two separate legal entities: the Department of National Defence and the Canadian Armed Forces. The National Defence Act assigns management and direction of the Canadian Armed Forces to the Minister of National Defence, as well as authority to a Deputy Minister and Chief of the Defence Staff. The Canadian Armed Forces are made up of approximately 68,000 Regular Force and 27,000 Reserve Force members, with the number of Regular Force and Reserve Force members increasing to 71,500 and 30,000 respectively under the Strong, Secure, Engaged Canada defense policy, as well as 5,200 members of the Ranger Patrol Group.
What is the purpose of Canadian taxes?
The three levels of government in Canada federal, provincial and territorial, and municipal offer a wide range of services and programs to their residents. Governments take your taxes and give them back to you in the form of free education, health care, roads and highways, and a variety of other social services. The federal government, for example, spent $251.2 billion on government-sponsored programs in 2013-14. Personal income taxes account for around 30% of federal government revenue.
Income taxes are levied by both the federal and provincial/territorial governments, and are, as the name implies, a tax on your earnings. Consumption taxes or sales taxes are also levied. The Goods and Services Tax (GST), provincial sales taxes, and, in some provinces, the Harmonized Sales Tax will all be encountered in Canada (HST).
Goods and Services Tax (GST) and the Harmonized Sales Tax (HST)
A consumption tax, often known as a sales tax, is a tax levied on your purchases, whether you’re buying new clothes, dining out, or investing in a mutual fund. When you buy products and services in Canada, you add this tax to the overall cost to determine the entire amount owed; the tax is usually not included in the price printed on the sales tag.
Basic groceries, prescription drugs, child care, health and dental services, and rent are all excluded from sales taxes. Some things, such as most livestock, agricultural, and fishery products, are “zero-rated.” They are liable to sales taxes, but only at a 0% rate. Everything else is subject to taxation.
The GST is a 5% tax imposed by the federal government. Some jurisdictions also charge a provincial sales tax (PST), which ranges from 6% to 9.975 percent depending on the province. Some provinces have opted to combine the two levies into a single HST (Harmonized Sales Tax), which includes both the provincial and federal portions.
The HST in Ontario, for example, is 13%, with 5% going to the federal government and 8% going to the provincial. However, if you shop in British Columbia, your sales receipt will list GST and PST separately, with rates of 5% and 7%, respectively. Only Alberta does not have a PST, thus you only have to pay the 5% GST there.
Income Taxes
Every Canadian resident is required to file an income tax return once a year. You must first identify whether you are a resident, a “deemed” resident, or a non-resident of Canada for tax reasons before filing your tax return. According to the Canada Revenue Agency (CRA), you are deemed a Canadian resident if you have strong ties to the country, such as a permanent residency or a spouse and/or dependents. Holding Canadian documents, such as a social insurance number (SIN), a provincial health card, and/or a driver’s license with a Canadian address, can also be considered substantial ties. If you spend 183 days or more in Canada in a year, the CRA may consider you a resident; but, if you have strong ties to another country or your country of origin, you may be considered a non-resident.
Each member of the household with a source of income is responsible for filing his or her own income taxes in Canada. For example, you and your spouse will individually file a tax return. If you have a teenager who works part-time and earns money, he or she will file a tax return. You must also file a return even if you were only in Canada for a portion of the year; you will report your worldwide income for that period.
Canada has tax treaties or agreements with more than 90 nations to avoid you from paying taxes twice on the same amount of money once in Canada and once in your home country. See the section on Foreign Pensions and Tax Treaties for further information.
In many ways, Canada’s tax system is unique, and it will likely differ from what you are used to in your home country. It is your responsibility as a Canadian resident to pay taxes on all worldwide income earned throughout the year and to file your tax return with the government. Employment income, investment income, commission income, and retirement income are all examples of sources of income. Both the federal government and the provincial/territorial governments will tax your earnings.
The tax system in Canada is progressive or graduated, which means that the more money you earn, the more income taxes you will pay. The amount of money you pay in taxes is expressed as a percentage and increases in stages, or “brackets,” as your income rises.
For example, if your taxable income is less than $46,605, you are in the lowest federal income tax bracket and will pay 15% of your taxable income in 2019. If you earned more than $46,605 but less than $93,208, you must pay 15% on the first $46,605 and 20.5 percent on the next $46,603. And it rises in proportion to one’s income.
You’ll also have to pay provincial/territorial income taxes. Your residence province is decided by where you lived on December 31 of the previous tax year. You must file Ontario income taxes even though you lived in Manitoba until September, when you migrated to Ontario. Similarly, provincial/territorial income rates are divided into brackets and vary by jurisdiction. Go to Canadian income tax rates for Individuals – current and prior years to see the federal and provincial/territorial income tax brackets.
As a result, you must file your income tax return, the T1 general tax return, for the previous year ending December 31, as well as any associated provincial forms and “schedules,” by April 30 each year. Your situation will determine the forms you require. The forms, as well as numerous “guides” and CRA publications, can be found on the CRA website under Forms and Publications. You’ll need the T4040 RRSP and Other Registered Plans for Retirement and the T4055 Newcomers to Canada, as well as other guidelines like the T4040 RRSP and Other Registered Plans for Retirement and the T4055 Newcomers to Canada. The return can be found at General income tax and benefit package, which includes the following schedules that may be useful:
- Schedule 8, Contributions to the CPP or QPP on Self-Employment and Other Earnings – All except QC
- Schedule 8, Contributions to the CPP or QPP on Self-Employment and Other Earnings – Only for Quebec (QC)
For example, if you live in Ontario, you’ll need the following provincial information and forms:
- Application for Ontario Trillium Benefit and Ontario Senior Homeowners’ Property Tax Grant (Form ON-BEN)
- Schedule ON(S2) – Provincial Amounts Received from a Spouse or Common-law Partner
You must disclose all income generated during the year on your tax return, and you must pay any taxes due on that income by April 30. (Depending on a variety of conditions, you may not owe any money and instead receive a refund.)
The tax return can be difficult to understand. Many rules are unknown or misunderstood by the typical Canadian. As a result, many Canadians engage tax preparers, and several computer-based tools (such as U-File) have been developed in recent years to make submitting your return easier. So, if you’re preparing your taxes, don’t be scared to get professional assistance. You can also employ tax-planning tactics to pay as little tax as feasible. Your advisor can assist you in putting your strategy into action.
It is critical to file your taxes by the deadline. You will be charged and penalized if you miss the deadline. In addition, neglecting to file taxes or lying about your income might result in criminal prosecution.
The following is a quick rundown of the T1’s overall structure. Go to Income Tax and Benefit Return to see an example of a T1 for Ontario.
This is where you give your name, address, Social Security number, and marital status, as well as your spouse’s name and Social Security number.
This is where you list all of your income sources from the previous year, including:
- Earnings from work If you worked in the previous year, you should have gotten a T4 slip from your employer detailing the amount of money you earned. If you worked for more than one company last year, you’ll get a T4 from each one. Your T4 will also show any taxes paid on your behalf by your employer, as well as any deductions made from your compensation (more below).
- Earnings from self-employment If you were self-employed in the previous year, you must disclose the amount of income from your business, which must be backed by evidence such as a profit and loss account.
- Income from a pension. Pension income might come from a variety of places if you’re retired. The Canada Pension Plan or, in Quebec, the Quebec Pension Plan, as well as Old Age Security, may provide you with income. In that situation, the government will send you a T4A(P) and a T4A(OAS) slip, respectively. If you have a workplace pension that you have built up over the course of your career, you must also disclose it here. The pension administrator will send you the relevant slip in this case.
- Income from investments. Dividends from ordinary or preferred stock, interest from bonds or bank accounts, and capital gains (or losses) on investments sold are all examples of investment income (see the Investing 101 brochure). The financial institution where you have your investments will give you the relevant tax slips, and you will fill out a separate form with the information that you will submit with your return.
You will sum these amounts of revenue for your “total income” at the bottom of this page.
You are entitled to claim certain deductions and credits that lower your total income to your “taxable income.” Page 3 begins with these items at the top. The following are the most common deductions and credits:
Contributions to a pension plan If you are a member of your company’s registered pension plan (RPP), your employer has most likely deducted regular payments from your pay. Your overall income will be reduced by any contributions you made to the plan during the year. On the T4 slip you received from your employer, you’ll see the amount that can be deducted.
Contributions to Registered Retirement Savings Plans (RRSPs). RRSPs are designed to encourage you to save money for your retirement, and your RRSP contribution is tax deductible, making it even more appealing. Because your contribution lowers your total income, the money you put into your RRSP is effectively tax-free. In most cases, this results in a tax refund. Furthermore, until you withdraw funds from your RRSP, all income made by investments inside your RRSP is not taxed. To support this deduction, you will receive a tax slip from the banking institution where your RRSP is kept.
The cost of child care.
If you paid someone to look after a child (or children) who lived with you while you worked or went to school (under certain conditions), you can deduct that amount from your taxable income.
You’ll determine your “net income” after deducting these sums from your overall income. Other sums that may be deducted can be seen in the bottom half of page 3 under your net income. Most taxpayers, however, do not qualify for these deductions.
After you’ve deducted all of the sums listed above from your total income, you’ll be left with your “taxable income,” which is the amount on which your taxes will be computed.
The progressive or graduated tax rate structure in Canada is designed to make life easier for individuals with lower wages. As a result, there are a variety of tax credits that can be applied to taxable income to help you pay less in taxes.
Many credits are available, and every taxpayer will qualify for at least part of the credits stated on Step 1 of Schedule 1 of their tax return. The following are some of the most prevalent credits:
Amount for personal use. Every taxpayer is given an amount that is practically tax-free. It is $12,069. in 2019. However, if you have only spent part of the year in Canada and had Canadian income, you must proportion the basic personal amount proportionately. For example, if you spent 240 days in Canada, you can claim $7,936 (240 X $12,069/365). See the Newcomers to Canada Handbook for further information.
- Contributions to the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) and contributions to Employment Insurance (EI). If you worked in the previous year, your employer withheld CPP and EI contributions from your paycheque. These sums will display on your T4 slip, which you can apply to your taxable income. You will fill in those amounts on your tax return if you are self-employed and making contributions.
- Number of people employed in Canada. If you worked in the previous year, you may be eligible for the Canada employment amount, a non-refundable tax credit that can be used to offset work-related expenditures such home computers, uniforms, and supplies. (You cannot claim the credit if you were self-employed.) Up to a maximum of $1,195 in 2019, the amount is the lesser of your job income or your self-employment income.
- Amount of medical expenses Although most medical expenses are covered by your provincial or territorial health plans, you may be responsible for some costs. Dental and chiropractic services are examples of eligible expenses that can be included for a credit.
- Donations to charity You can credit the amount of your donation if it was made to an eligible charity.
The federal non-refundable tax credit rate of 15% will be multiplied by these qualified credits to determine how much of the credits can be deducted from taxable income. Let’s imagine you had $10,000 in qualified credits last year. If you use the 15% rate, your taxes will be reduced by $1,500.
Note that almost all credits are non-refundable, which means you won’t be able to decrease your tax liability to zero.
You’ll use this table to compute your tax liability by entering your taxable income from Page 3 of your T1 general return form.
The tax payable will be reduced by the available tax credit amounts computed in Step 1 of Schedule 1 after the tax payable has been calculated in Step 2. This is the entire amount of federal tax owed, which you will submit on your T1 general return form to establish if you owe taxes or should receive a federal refund.
Income taxes are also levied by provincial and territorial governments. To figure out how much you owe, fill out the provincial/territorial return for the jurisdiction where you lived on December 31 of the tax year in question. The structure is comparable to that of the federal return.
Because this is Canada, tax rates differ by province. For example, Ontario levies a 5.05 percent tax on the first $42,960 and a 9.15 percent tax on the next $42,962, with the rate increasing as income rises. In Alberta, however, all revenue under $128,145 is taxed at a “flat” rate of 10%. You’ll use the amount computed on your T1 general return form to see if you owe taxes or if you qualify for a provincial or territorial rebate.
The amount of federal taxes calculated will be entered on the first line. Then, on top of that, you’ll add the sum of provincial/territorial taxes.
If you worked in the previous year, your employer withheld a sum from your pay that should have covered your income taxes for the year. That sum will have been forwarded to the government by your employer. To put it another way, you have paid your income taxes in advance. Your T4 will show how much your company withheld from your pay. This sum will be subtracted from the total amount of tax owed, and the resultant figure, if positive, will be the amount you owe to the government. If it’s a negative number, you’ve paid more taxes than you owe and will get a refund.
What is the military might of Canada?
Canada is ranked 23rd out of 142 countries assessed in the annual GFP evaluation for 2022. It has a PwrIndx* score of 0.3601 (a 0.0000 score is regarded “perfect”).
Is Canada constructing a military?
The project is expected to cost between $500 million and $1.5 billion dollars, according to the Canadian Forces. Long-range Command, Control, Communications, and Computers (C4) and Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) aircraft will be developed as part of the project. More than 1.5 billion dollars will be spent on the project.
How much does Canada spend on its military each year?
- The Department is funded by an annual appropriation from Parliament. The cash budget is approved first in the Main Estimates and then altered three times a year in the Supplementary Estimates.
- This financial appropriation is used to pay for salaries, operating and maintenance costs, grants and donations, capital equipment purchases, and real estate infrastructure building.
- The Department of Defense’s Main Estimates for 2019-20 are $21.9 billion, which includes numerous votes as well as statutory money (including $1.4 billion for employee benefit plans). The results are as follows:
- Vote 15 Payments for members of the Canadian Forces’ long-term disability and life insurance plans ($400 million);
- Supporting Veterans as They Transition to Post-Service Life ($19 million); and, Vote 30 Supporting Veterans as They Transition to Post-Service Life
- Personnel (37 percent), Operating (36 percent), and Capital (36 percent) take up the majority of the budget (17 percent ).
- The funding requested through the Main Estimates process accounted for roughly 92 percent of the Department’s budget in fiscal year 2018-19, with the remainder coming through Supplementary Estimates, carry forward, and other modifications. Because budget requirements are well established at this point in the year, DND uses the Supplementary Estimates process to obtain financing for CAF military operations and key capital projects. This also encourages efficient financial management of departmental resources, reducing year-end lapses.
- The Capital Investment Fund is a source of funds for the Department’s acquisition, construction, and improvement of tangible capital assets. The current defense policy, Strong, Secure, Engaged, makes it easier to prepare for long-term capital and operations requirements.
Is Canada’s military underdeveloped?
Most Canadians do not think about our Armed Forces during periods of lower international tensions, or when day-to-day living in Canada is not defined by a pandemic or excessive natural disasters. The size of our Armed Forces, as well as their diverse priorities, are never mentioned in public or in the media.
Recent government choices addressing cultural problems surrounding complaints of harassment have deservedly earned and merited further public discussion.
Recent tensions over Russia’s planned invasion of Ukraine provide us all a chance to consider whether the size and scope of our current military is adequate for a country with a population of over a billion people and a territory that borders three oceans.
It is insufficient to have a whole Armed Forces complement of 67,000 soldiers, with only a small fraction combat ready and trained. We are considerably behind the vast majority of our NATO colleagues and many other friendly non-NATO countries when it comes to military-to-general-population ratios.
No other G7 country has a military as small as ours. When compared to other countries, our Armed Forces rank 21st from the top in terms of relative “firepower” (kinetic impact). Many smaller countries are significantly higher in the rankings.
During the epidemic, the federal government was forced to deploy Armed Forces soldiers to assist provinces that lacked the necessary provincial and agency employees to handle the long-term care burden or run vaccination centers. Canadians are well familiar with the usage of Canadian Forces personnel to help with flood relief, forest fire suppression, and other disasters.
We need a regular Canadian Armed Forces force of at least 100,000 people and a reserve force of at least 60,000 people (Army, Navy, Air Force, and Special Forces).
Is Canada’s military reliant on the US?
Traditional Canadian uneasiness over US defense ties has been and continues to be characterized by considerable clarity on the part of military leadership and defense department professionals, as well as constant angst on the part of ministers and politicians. Military conclusions about collaboration and interoperability are almost self-evident due to considerations of relative size, capabilities, and proximity. Of course, the politics of those findings are complicated.
The current Canadian government’s expectations of the Canada-US defense partnership may have been clarified as a result of the September 11, 2001 events”but only in the context of the current allied commitment to Afghanistan and the Taliban administration. At the political level, Canadian government expectations of the partnership are a mix of logistical realities, political supposition, and wishful thinking. In other ways, old Canadian biases remain unchanged, as evidenced by low defense budget, a Potemkin-village approach to broad-based combat capability, and an over-reliance on multilateral security alternatives, all while basking in the protection of the American defense umbrella. The emergence of the “oethe perimeter” on immigration control issues builds on traditional North American air defense assumptions, which are explicit in the NORAD agreement, and in reality only seeks to replicate arrangements that existed in the early years of the Cold War, when Canadian and US customs officials worked together to clear airline arrivals heading to the US.
David Rudd, speaking at a seminar in April 2001, summed up more modern fears before September 11:
On the security front, Canada is motivated on the one hand by a desire to play as much of an independent role in international affairs as possible from the United States, but on the other hand, it is facing a financial crisis. Canada was a driving force behind the establishment of an international criminal court and the backing for the anti-personnel landmine prohibition. International security, on the other hand, is not inexpensive. Our international aid and defense expenditures have both been drastically reduced. Is our reduced ability to participate in multi-national defense activities increasing our reliance on the US? Is it possible that we’ve reached a stage where we’re simply too little to have an impact on US policy?
Prior to September 11, it is reasonable to assume that the traditional “crisis of means,” which has been a dominant topic in Canadian defense strategy since the late 1960s, was exacerbated by the ongoing and never-ending Canadian identity crisis. That identity crisis, our version of the “poor cousin with noble pretensions beyond apparent affordability” syndrome, is a product of Canada’s internationalist establishment’s traditional approach, best expressed in Liberal foreign and defense policy, which seeks a position that is both more worldly and less parochial than that associated by some with American foreign and defense policy.
Whether expressed through Mr. Axworthy’s “soft power” agenda around land mines and personal security, Canada’s traditional belief in more even-handed relationships in the Middle East, Central America, or Cuba, or the current Prime Minister’s desire in 1991, while Opposition Leader, not to have Canadian troops put in harm’s way during the previous government’s deployment to the Persian Gulf, the notion that we can have more flexibility and independence is a popular one in Canada.
It is impossible to overestimate the significance of that expectation’s liberating impact on Canadian domestic policy. It allows administrations of all political stripes to reduce the real purchasing power of our defense budget. It makes financial policy that prioritizes non-defense issues and objectives easier. It perpetuates the delusion that trade and economic policies are essentially unrelated to defense concerns. It also has a significant impact in allowing Canadian administrations of all stripes to maintain one of the lowest defense-to-GDP ratios in the world” despite the fact that we have three oceans and a vast land mass to patrol and protect.
Prior to the decision to send a naval task force and a few small ground and air assets to Afghanistan to support US and UK operations, Canada’s interest in and admiration for interoperability had grown significantly at the official level. “There are arguably no two military that are more interoperable than those of Canada and the United States,” Foreign Minister Manley said emphatically. In carrier combat groups, Canadian frigates have taken the position of US vessels. After American pilots, Canadian CF-18 pilots were among the biggest contributors to Operation Allied Force in Kosovo.”
This approach’s unfettered optimism points to two political demands that “interoperability” excels at meeting. First, “interoperability” is a reaction to those who criticize chronic underinvestment in defense by demonstrating our ability to communicate with the world’s best-equipped and technologically advanced military. Second, for those concerned that Canada has lost touch with its true alliance and hemispheric defense priorities, “interoperability” with the US demonstrates that we are aware of our true opportunities and obligations.
Even when the US complains about insufficient Canadian contributions to defense priorities”as it did recently in the first speech given by the new US Ambassador, an echo of similar early-mandate speeches by previous US ambassadors to Canada”interoperability” and joint Canada-US military operations become the perfect political foil to the accusation.” These traditional Canadian retorts, along with the ministerial assertion that the “revolution in military affairs” has radically reduced the need for traditional complements or defense spending levels, formed the main pith and sub-stance of government justification for the withering away of the Canadian Forces prior to September 11.
However, when it comes to the future of the relationship, Canadian expectations for interoperability are more important. A variety of interoperability issues will need to be addressed in the long run, a process we have started at the Institute for Research on Public Policy. Interoperability has functioned as a bridge to public reassurance as well as a barrier against public criticism of the current government’s defense policy and ministers. For some time to come, the events of September 11th and beyond will undoubtedly increase the political importance of interoperability.
It would be satisfying to be able to criticize portions of the current administration’s approach to the US-US defense alliance while also outlining some substantial new grounds of departure. Regrettably, the only genuine point of divergence is the drastically reduced amount of spending. The seemingly contradictory mix of a spirit of interoperability and collaborative endeavor in defense matters, on the one hand, and concerns about independence and differentiation, on the other, is not new:
Because the defense of the North American continent is a joint operation, we are continually assessing our territorial defense with the US forces. Our security is not solely dependent on what Canada and the United States do, but on the sum of our efforts. Every dollar spent in Canada contributes to the defense of the US, and vice versa. We share the same concerns about our common defense, and we are working to improve that defense on a daily basis.
In the early 1950s, Brooke Claxton, Canada’s Minister of Defence, put it this way: “Our common defense approach and perimeter policy.” Here’s how a high-ranking Canadian public servant expressed the other side of the Canadian expectation during the same era:
We must be wary of transferring the suspicions, sensitivity, and hesitations of the previous year from London to Washington. We should not be overly concerned with all of the statements made by journalists, generals, or politicians that we disagree with, while there may be some, and there are some, on which we have the right to express our opinions… More significantly, we must persuade the United States via actions rather than words that we are, in fact, contributing to this multinational team…