What Is China’s GDP Per Capita 2021?

According to Trading Economics global macro models and analysts, China’s GDP per capita is predicted to reach $8840.00 USD by the end of 2021. According to our econometric models, China’s GDP per capita will trend around 9020.00 USD in 2022 and 9090.00 USD in 2023 in the long run.

Which country is the poorest in the world?

Burundi, a small landlocked country ravaged by Hutu-Tutsi ethnic conflict and civil violence, has the terrible distinction of being the poorest country on the planet. Food scarcity is a serious concern, with almost 90 percent of its approximately 12 million residents reliant on subsistence agriculture (with the overwhelming majority of them surviving on $1.25 a day or less), and food insecurity is about twice as high as the norm for Sub-Saharan African countries. Furthermore, access to water and sanitation is still limited, and only about 5% of the population has access to electricity. Needless to say, the epidemic has worsened all of these issues.

How did things get to this point, despite the fact that the civil war officially ended 15 years ago? Infrastructure deficiencies, widespread corruption, and security concerns are all common causes of extreme poverty. In 2005, Pierre Nkurunziza, a charismatic former Hutu rebel who became president, was able to unite the country behind him and begin the process of reconstructing the economy. However, in 2015, his announcement that he would run for a third termwhich the opposition claimed was illegal under the constitutionreignited old feuds. Hundreds of people were killed in fighting, and tens of thousands were internally or externally displaced as a result of the failed coup attempt.

Nkurunziza died in the summer of 2020, at the age of 55, from cardiac arrest, while it is widely assumed that Covid-19 was the true reason. Days later, Evariste Ndayishimiye, an ex-general designated by Nkurunziza to succeed him when his term expired, was sworn in. His track record has been mixed so far. While he, like his predecessor, minimized the virus’s severity, and claims of human rights violations continue to emerge from the country, he made an effort to relaunch the economy and mend diplomatic relations with his African neighbors, particularly the West. His efforts were rewarded: the United States and the European Union recently withdrew financial restrictions imposed in the aftermath of the 2015 political turmoil, resuming aid to Burundi. Could this be a watershed moment for the world’s poorest country?

China’s Economy Prior to Reforms

Prior to 1979, China had a centrally planned, or command, economy under Chairman Mao Zedong’s direction. The state directed and controlled a substantial portion of the country’s economic output, setting production objectives, controlling prices, and allocating resources across the sector. All of China’s individual household farms were collectivized into big communes in the 1950s. During the 1960s and 1970s, the central government made large-scale expenditures in physical and human capital to promote rapid industrialization. As a result, by 1978, over three-quarters of industrial output was produced by centrally controlled, state-owned enterprises (SOEs), with output targets set centrally. Private businesses and foreign-owned businesses were typically prohibited. The Chinese government’s main goal was to make China’s economy largely self-sufficient. In general, foreign trade was confined to obtaining items that could not be manufactured or obtained in China. The economy was distorted as a result of such practices. There were few incentives for firms, workers, and farmers to become more productive or concerned about the quality of what they produced because most aspects of the economy were managed and run by the central government. As a result, there were no market mechanisms to efficiently allocate resources, and thus there were few incentives for firms, workers, and farmers to become more productive or concerned about the quality of what they produced (since they were mainly focused on production goals set by the government).

China’s real GDP grew at an average annual rate of 6.7 percent from 1953 to 1978, according to Chinese government statistics, though the accuracy of these figures has been questioned by many analysts, who contend that Chinese government officials (especially at the subnational levels) often exaggerated production levels for a variety of political reasons during this time. China’s actual average yearly real GDP growth during this period, according to economist Angus Maddison, was around 4.4 percent. 5 Furthermore, China’s economy experienced significant downturns under Chairman Mao Zedong’s leadership, including during the Great Leap Forward from 1958 to 1962 (which resulted in a massive famine and the deaths of up to 45 million people)6 and the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976 (which resulted in a massive famine and the deaths of up to 45 million people) (which caused widespread political chaos and greatly disrupted the economy). China’s per capita GDP doubled between 1950 and 1978 on a purchasing power parity (PPP) basis,7 a typical indicator of a country’s living standards. However, Chinese living standards declined by 20.3 percent between 1958 and 1962, and by 9.6 percent between 1966 and 1968. (see Figure 1). Furthermore, as seen in Figure 2, the rise in Chinese living standards paled in contrast to those in the West, such as Japan.

The Chinese government decided to break with its Soviet-style economic policies in 1978 (shortly after Chairman Mao’s death in 1976) by gradually reforming the economy according to free market principles and opening up trade and investment with the West, in the hopes of significantly increasing economic growth and raising living standards. “Black cat, white cat, what does it matter what color the cat is as long as it catches mice?” said Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, the architect of China’s economic reforms. 8

The Introduction of Economic Reforms

China started a series of economic reforms in 1979. Farmers were given price and ownership incentives by the central government, allowing them to sell a portion of their harvests on the open market. Furthermore, the government developed four special economic zones along the coast to attract international investment, increase exports, and import high-tech products into China. Additional reforms, implemented in stages, aimed to decentralize economic policymaking in a number of areas, including trade. Provincial and municipal governments were given economic control of diverse firms, and they were generally allowed to operate and compete on free market principles rather than under the direction and guidance of state planning. Citizens were also encouraged to create their own enterprises. More coastal cities and regions have been classified as open cities and development zones, allowing them to experiment with free-market reforms and give tax and trade advantages to attract international investment. Furthermore, state pricing controls on a variety of products were gradually phased off. China’s economic growth was also aided by trade liberalization. Trade obstacles were removed, allowing for more competitiveness and FDI inflows. China’s incremental economic reforms aimed to determine which policies had positive economic effects (and which did not) so that they might be replicated across the country, a process Deng Xiaoping famously referred to as “crossing the river by touching the stones.” 9

China’s Economic Growth and Reforms: 1979-the Present

China’s economy has developed significantly quicker since economic reforms were implemented, and the country has avoided serious economic upheavals for the most part. 10 China’s annual real GDP averaged 9.5 percent from 1979 to 2018. (see Figure 3). As a result, China’s economy has been able to double in size in real terms every eight years on average. The worldwide economic slowdown that began in 2008 had a major influence on China’s economy. Early in 2009, Chinese media stated that 20 million migrant workers had returned home after losing their jobs due to the financial crisis, and that real GDP growth in the fourth quarter of 2008 had slowed to 6.8% year-on-year. The Chinese government responded by enacting a $586 billion stimulus program geared primarily at supporting infrastructure and relaxing monetary policy to boost bank lending. 11 As a result of these efforts, China was able to mitigate the consequences of a dramatic drop in worldwide demand for Chinese goods. China’s real GDP growth averaged 9.7% from 2008 to 2010. However, throughout the next six years, the rate of GDP growth fell, falling from 10.6 percent in 2010 to 6.7 percent in 2016. In 2017, real GDP increased to 6.8%, but fell to 6.6 percent in 2018. (although it rose to 6.8 percent in 2017). China’s real GDP growth will decelerate each year over the following six years, according to the IMF’s April 2019 World Economic Outlook, falling to 5.5 percent in 2024. (Figure 4). 12 Many analysts warn that if the US and China continue to apply punitive economic measures against each other, such as tariff rises resulting from US Section 301 action and Chinese retaliation, China’s economic development may decelerate even further. Increased tariffs on all trade between the US and China, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), could cut China’s real GDP by 1.1 percent in 2021-2022, compared to the OECD’s baseline economic predictions. 13

Figure 4: China’s Real Annual GDP Growth from 2007 to 2018, with Forecasts through 2024

Causes of China’s Economic Growth

Much of China’s quick economic growth is attributed to two key factors: large-scale capital investment (funded by substantial domestic savings and foreign investment) and rapid productivity growth, according to economists. These two elements appear to have worked in concert. Economic changes strengthened the economy’s efficiency, resulting in more output and more resources for new investment.

China has a long history of having a high savings rate. Domestic savings as a percentage of GDP was at 32 percent when reforms began in 1979. During this time, however, the majority of Chinese savings were generated through SOE earnings, which were utilised by the central government for domestic investment. Economic reforms, which included decentralization of economic output, resulted in significant increases in both family and business savings in China. As a result, China has the largest gross savings as a proportion of GDP among major economies. China has been able to support a high level of investment due to its substantial domestic savings. In fact, China’s gross domestic savings greatly outnumber its domestic investment, making it a significant net worldwide lender.

Productivity gains (i.e., advances in efficiency) have been identified as another important element in China’s rapid economic growth by a number of experts. Productivity gains were mostly due to a reallocation of resources to more productive uses, particularly in industries like agriculture, trade, and services that were formerly tightly regulated by the government. Agricultural reforms, for example, increased output, allowing employees to pursue jobs in the more productive manufacturing sector. Non-state companies (such as private corporations) arose as a result of China’s economic decentralization, which tended to pursue more productive activities than centrally controlled SOEs and were more market-oriented and efficient. Furthermore, a larger portion of the economy (mostly the export sector) was subjected to competitive dynamics. Local and provincial governments were given unrestricted authority to form and operate businesses without intervention from the federal government. FDI also introduced new technology and procedures to China, which increased efficiency.

However, as China’s technological development converges with that of major developed countries (i.e., through the adoption of foreign technology), productivity gains and, as a result, real GDP growth may slow significantly, unless China becomes a major center for new technology and innovation and/or implements new comprehensive economic reforms. Several developing economies (most notably in Asia and Latin America) experienced rapid economic development and growth in the 1960s and 1970s by implementing some of the same policies that China has used to develop its economy to date, such as measures to boost exports and promote and protect specific industries. However, at some point throughout their development, some of these countries began to face protracted economic stagnation (or substantially slower growth than prior levels), a situation known as the “middle-income trap” by economists. 14 This means that while several developing (low-income) economies were able to transition to a middle-income economy, they were unable to transition to a high-income economy due to their inability to sustain high levels of productivity gains (in part due to their inability to address structural inefficiencies in the economy). 15 China may be at a comparable fork in the road right now. The World Bank uses a per capita gross national income (GNI) approach to classify economic development levels. 16 According to the World Bank, China transitioned from a low-income to a low-middle-income economy in 1997, and then to an upper-middle-income country in 2010. China’s per capita GNI in 2017 was $8,690, which was 38.7% below the amount required to become a high-income economy. According to the Chinese government, China will be able to cross the high-income level by 2025. It intends to accomplish this, in part, by making innovation a key source of future economic growth. Skeptics argue that China’s innovative development will be difficult to achieve, particularly if it is primarily state-driven and imposes new limitations on foreign companies.

Notes: The red bar represents the level at which China would need to achieve in order to become a high-income economy.

According to the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), China’s real GDP growth will drop significantly over the next several decades, eventually catching up to US growth rates by 2037. (U.S. and Chinese real GDP growth rates are both projected at 1.9 percent ). For a few years after that, the EIU expects US GDP growth to outpace China’s (Figure 6). 17

Figure 6: Annual Real GDP Growth Rates in the United States and China from 2010 to 2018 and Projections to 2050

The Chinese government has expressed a desire to shift away from its existing economic model of “rapid growth at any cost” to more “smart” growth, which aims to minimize reliance on energy-intensive and high-polluting industries in favor of high technology, renewable energy, and services. China has also stated that it wishes to achieve more balanced economic growth. (These topics are covered in greater depth later in the report.)

What accounts for China’s low GDP per capita?

Mark Perry reminds out that, despite China’s enormous GDP, its GDP per capita remains low due to the country’s large population (1.33 billion people).

While Perry is true in his assessment, the difficulty is that he does not comprehend the implications of this fact. He claims that it still has a long way to go before it can be considered a “superpower.” However, having a high per capita income has never been a prerequisite for “superpower” status. If it did, countries like Qatar, Luxembourg, and Liechtenstein would be superpowers, and no one ever talks about them in that light. Total GDP indicates what one may call “superpower” status, whereas per capita GDP measures how wealthy the average citizen is.

Furthermore, China’s low per capita GDP is a major reason why the country is almost guaranteed to overtake the United States. Someone once asked me how I was so sure that my prediction that China would almost surely surpass the United States in total GDP wouldn’t turn out to be as incorrect as similar projections made about Japan in the late 1980s. My response was straightforward: China has more than ten times the population of Japan.

Because China has more than four times the population of the United States, it is not essential to assume that China will achieve the same per capita income as the United States in order for China to exceed the United States in total GDP. It is sufficient to suppose that China will achieve a per capita income equal to one-quarter of that of the United States. And, given that per capita income in Hong Kong and Singapore, and to a lesser extent Taiwan, is significantly higher than in other majority-Chinese countries, that is surely not something that Chinese people are incapable of achieving.

What will Russia’s GDP be in 2021?

According to Trading Economics global macro models and analysts, Russia’s GDP is anticipated to reach 1709.58 USD billion by the end of 2021. According to our econometric models, Russia’s GDP will trend around 1778.02 USD Billion in 2022 and 1823.43 USD Billion in 2023 in the long run.

Is China considered developed?

China’s designation as a ‘developing country’ at the World Trade Organization (WTO) has become a sensitive topic, with a number of countries concerned that the upper middle-income country is benefiting from WTO principles that are intended for impoverished countries. Concerns have also been raised about Bangladesh’s ‘least developed nation’ (LDC) status, which it may lose after surpassing India in terms of GDP per capita.

In 2021, which country will have the lowest per capita income?

Inequality has long been a topic of discussion in economic policy circles around the world, and it endures between and within countries. According to IMF forecasts for 2021, Luxembourg has the greatest Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita at $131,781.72, while Burundi has the lowest at $265.18.

Which country owes the most money?

Venezuela has the highest debt-to-GDP ratio in the world as of December 2020, by a wide margin. Venezuela may have the world’s greatest oil reserves, but the state-owned oil corporation is thought to be poorly managed, and the country’s GDP has fallen in recent years. Simultaneously, Venezuela has taken out large loans, increasing its debt burden, and President Nicolas Maduro has tried dubious measures to curb the country’s spiraling inflation.

Is China wealthier than the United States?

In both nominal and PPP terms, the United States and China are the world’s two largest economies. The United States leads in nominal terms, while China has led in PPP terms since 2017, when it overtook the United States. In nominal and PPP terms, both countries account for 41.89 percent and 34.75 percent of global GDP in 2021, respectively. Both countries have much bigger GDPs than the third-placed countries, Japan (nominal) and India (PPP). As a result, only these two are competing for first place.

According to IMF forecasts for 2021, the United States will be ahead by $6,033 billion, or 1.36 times, in terms of exchange rates. On a purchasing power parity measure, China’s GDP is worth $3,982 billion dollars, or 1.18 times that of the United States. According to World Bank estimates, China’s GDP was approximately 11% of that of the United States in 1960, but is now 67 percent in 2019.

Due to China’s enormous population, which is more than four times that of the United States, the gap in per capita income between the two countries is enormous. In nominal and PPP terms, the United States’ per capita income is 5.78 and 3.61 times that of China, respectively. The United States is the world’s fifth richest country, while China is ranked 63rd. On a PPP basis, the United States ranks eighth, while China ranks 76th.

China’s GDP growth rate reaches a high of 19.30 percent in 1970 and a low of -27.27 percent in 1961. Between 1961 and 2019, China experienced a 22-year growth rate of greater than 10%. In 1984, the US hit an all-time high of 7.24 percent, while in 2009, it hit a new low of -2.54 percent. For the first time in eight years, the United States’ GDP growth rate was negative. In the last four years, China has experienced negative growth.

China is ahead of the United States in the agriculture and industry sectors, according to the World Factbook. Agriculture output in the United States is only 17.58 percent of China’s, whereas industry output is 77.58 percent. The US services industry is more than double that of China.